welding goggles vs helmet Weldcap – Welding cap
SKU: 55524664750
welding goggles vs helmet

welding goggles vs helmet Weldcap – Welding cap

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Description

welding goggles vs helmet Weldcap – Welding capOptrel 1008. 000 Weldcap RC 3 9 12 Automatic Welding Helmet The weldcap an automatic welding cap, that combines the comforts of a leisure hat with the advantage of a full welding helmet. Predestined for users whose area of responsibility includes not only welding but also other metalworking tasks. The Optrel Weldcap offers the protection of an auto darkening welding helmet with a lightweight, flame retardant baseball cap. The Weldcap lens has a

Optrel 1008.000 Weldcap® RC 3/9-12 Automatic Welding Helmet


The weldcap® - an automatic welding cap, that combines the comforts of a leisure hat with the advantage of a full welding helmet. Predestined for users whose area of responsibility includes not only welding but also other metalworking tasks. 

The Optrel® Weldcap® offers the protection of an auto-darkening welding helmet with a lightweight, flame-retardant baseball cap. The Weldcap lens has a single, wide-angle sensor, operable in variable shades 9 to 12 or shade 3 grind mode. The nose cutout design provides a field of vision up to 270% greater than a standard 2 1/2 x 4 1/4 inch welding lens. Manufacturer’s two-year warranty on the auto-dark lens assembly.

The heart of this innovative product is the optical filter featuring a well-defined nose cut-out. The lens sits closer to the eyes compared to traditional welding helmets, increasing the welder's line of sight by 2.7 times!

  • Shade level 3 / 9 to 12
  • 2.7 times the field of view of a standard industry welding helmet
  • Super light and super comfortable 
  • Simply cool

 

Features:

 

EXTENSIVE FIELD OF VIEW 

  • By expanding both the lateral and horizontal fields of vision, the welders' performance and safety is increased

 

MULTI-PURPOSE USE AT MAXIMUM PROTECTION 

  • Welding: Darkening levels from 9 to 12 cover the majority of welding applications 
  • Grinding: With its Shade level 3 in inactive mode, the welder has a bright and well-lit view of the work-place. This features the Optrel Weldcap® perfect for grinding job as well. 

 

MINIMAL WEIGHT

  • The Optrel Weldcap® weighs only 14.5 oz. and is an absolute lightweight
  • Since the ADF is closer to the eyes, the weight of the product moves closer to its center of gravity, increasing its stability and balance
  • The design eliminates pressure points and reduces strain on the welder's neck 

 

SWIFT HANDLING 

  • Like a cap; easy to mount and unmount again
  • Stow it in the Optrel Parking Buddying, when it's not in use 

 

Spare Parts & Accessories:

 

ITEM NUMBER ITEM NAME
5002.740 Optrel Weldcap® Starter Kit
5002.900 Optrel Parking Buddy
9410.043.00 Optrel Bag
5000.260 Optrel Front Cover Lens Weldcap® Series (5 Pack)
5002.800 Optrel Spare Textile Weldcap®
5000.040 Optrel Inside Cover Lens Weldcap® Series (5 Pack)
5002.720 Optrel Battery Cap Weldcap® Series (2 Pack)
5002.700 Optrel Nose Support Weldcap® Series (2 Pack)

 

 

 Technical Data:

 

SHADE LEVELS
  • Grind Mode / Inactive: Shade Level 3
  • Active: Shade Levels 9-12
POWER SUPPLY  2 pcs batteries 3V exchangeable 
OPERATING TIME BATTERIES 1'000h operating time
SENSORS Wide detection sensor
SWITCHING TIME
  • Light to Dark: 0.16 ms at room temp
  • Light to Dark:  0.11 ms at 131 °F
  • Dark to Light: 0.3 s 
VIEWING AREA Improved wide viewing area due to nose cut-out
CLASSIFICATION-E379
  • Optical Class: 1 
  • Diffusion of Light Class: 1 
  • Variations in Luminous Transmittance Class: 2
  • Angle Dependance of Luminous Transmittance Class: 2
CLASSIFICATION (TEXTILE)
  • Class 1
  • Class A/B/C1/E3/F1
CLASSIFICATION
  • EZ175 / AS / NZS 1337.1 - Weldcap face shield, Class F
  • EN 166 / AS / NZS 1337/1 - Front Cover Lens, Class B
  • ANSI Z87.1 - Impact resistance, Class Z87+
SHAPE STABILITY 
  • Welding mask: up to 356 °F
  • Front Cover Lens: up to 275 °F
EYE PROTECTION  Ultraviolet / Infrared Protection: max protection at any shade level 
OPERATING TEMP 14 °F to 140 °F
STORAGE TEMP -4 ° F bid 176 °F
WEIGHT  400 g
STANDARDS CE (EN 379, EN 166, EN 175) ANSI Z87.1, AS/NZS 1337/1338
WARRANTY 2 years (except textile and batteries)

 

 

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    SKU: 55524664750

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    Paul Garbarini
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    ★★★★★ 5
    Extraordinary resource
    Format: Paperback, Format: Paperback
    I am a Cultural History Interpreter in SC. Working at a plantation historic site to bring suppressed history to light is challenging. Prof Sinha's book gives us easily accessible documentation to counter the "Lost Cause" devotees who appear on the site almost daily. Her writing style is clear and lucid, a trait for which I am extremely grateful. The site is including this volume in our staff library. For those just entering the field of Public History, it is indispensable. For the rest of it is a very valuable resource. Highly recommended!
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    Reviewed in the United States on May 8, 2019
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    Birmingham, US
    ★★★★★ 4
    An important contribution
    The historiography of secession is a complex one. For much of the last century there had been a tendency for historians to underplay the importance of slavery as a cause of the American civil war. Certaintly neo-Confederate apologists have sought to euphemize the cause of the conflict to an issue over tariffs, to matters of states rights, or to the "extremism" of the abolitionists. It is quite clear that these excuses will not survive a reading of this book. Sinha clearly shows, in her examination of South Carolina secessionism from nullifaction to fort Sumter, that slavery was the essence of its concerns. To show this she looks at the nullification crisis, the Mexican war, the Compromise of 1850, the South Carolinian movement to reopen the slave trade, and the secession crisis, based on exhaustive research of no less than 137 sets of private papers and diaries. But Sinha wishes not simply to refute the academically unimportant group of neo-Calhounites. She wishes to argue something broader. The South Carolinian defense of slavery was not, as many serious historians suggest today, simply the working out of the Southern American view of liberty. Increasingly, Sinha argues, South Carolina pro-slavery thought was not the expression of Southern Republicanism, but increasingly its very negation. It was not a coincidence that secessionism was strongest in South Carolina, the only state by 1832 where presidential electors and the governor were not popularly elected, where the legislature was crudely malapportioned, and where local offices were limited by the state government. It was also not a coincidence that slaves were a majority of South Carolinians, and slaveholders nearly a majority of South Carolinian whites. And it certainly was not a coincidence that non-slaveholders were noticeably less enthusiastic for nullification, secession in 1851 and secession in 1861. But although Southern nationalist discourse was clearly elitist and pro-slavery, does Sinha show that it was counter-revolutionary? A certain opposition to democracy was evident after all in the many, perhaps most, of the founding fathers. But as Sinha points out leading Carolinians like Calhoun, Senator James Chesnut and the creepy, incestuous James Hammond all sneered at the Declaration of Independence. She quotes one bravado warping PatricK Henry to declare "Give me Slavery or give me death." Notwithstanding the views of some historians to the contrary the South Carolinians criticized the North less for its oppression of wage laborers than the possiblity that those laborers could vote themselves into power. They did not condemn Lincoln as an intolerant Protestant but as a dangerous socialist and feminist. Moreover, they were not slow to raise the Nativist card against the immigrants who were bolstering the North's population. Calhoun's idea of a concurrent majority was not a thoughtful protection of minority rights, but a way to prevent one minority, his own, from ever being outvoted. Once the Confederacy was set up the elite dispensed with political parties. Looking at South Carolina they also began to dispense with competitive elections, while its ruthless elite certainly did not act sentimentally (or even decently) towards opinions on slavery. In conclusion there have been many frauds and bullies in American political life: the Nixons, the Hoovers, the McCarthys, the Tillmans and the Bilbos. But much of their malignancy was purely personal and they never threatened the core ideals of the republic. Calhoun was different, very different. Extremely intelligent, he was also utterly principled, and absolutely ruthless in carrying out that one principle. The problem was that the principle, despite all the complications of honor and paternalism, was slavery. More so than anyone else, Calhoun was the greatest enemy of liberty and freedom the United States ever had. Sinha's book is an important contribution to understanding that.
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